COL.  GEORGE  WASHINGTON  FLOWERS 
MEMORIAL  COLLECTION 


DUKE  UNIVERSITY  LIBRARY 
DURHAM.  N.  C. 


PRESENTED  BY 

W.  W.  FLOWERS 


Digitized  by 

the  Internet  Archive 

in  2015 

https://archive.org/details/miscegenationoraOOcoxs 


MISCEGEMTION  OR  AMALaAMATIOK  ' 


FATE  OF  THIS  TRliEDMAM'. 

  J'\JU-v\ 

SPEECH 

OF 

HU^.  SAMUEL  S.  COX, 

O  F    O  H  I  O  , 


DELIVERE.) 


m  THE  HOUSE  OP  REPRESEOTATIVES,  FEBEUAEY  IT5  1864, 


WASSrtTGTOlSr,  D.  C. : 

AT         OiTICE  OF  "THS  CONSTITUTIONAt  UNION.'*  NO  330  E  Sl  AciSf , 

1864. 


V 


THE    FATE    OF   THE  FEEEDMxiN 


MISCEGENATION,  OR  AMALGAMATION. 


The  House  having  under  consideration  the  bill 
to  establioh  a  Bureau  of  Freedmen's  Affairs — 

Mr.  COX  said : 

Mr.  Speakeb  :  I  did  net  rise  for  tlie  purpose 
of  discussiog  this  measure — only  to  have  it 
referred  for  discussion.  The  discussion  of 
its  details  will  be  ably  conducted  by  the  mi- 
nority of  the  committee,  the  gentleraan  from 
New  York  [Mr.  Kalbfleisch]  and  the  gentle- 
man from  Illinois,  [Mr.  Knapp.]  I  shall  only 
call  attention  to  its  general  features.  The 
member  who  introduced  it  [Mr.  Eliot]  com- 
mended it  to  this  side  for  its  humanity.  He 
recalled  to  our  minds  the  fact  that  vro  opposed 
the  confiscation  bill  for  its  inhumanity.  He 
hoped  that  humane  considerations  would  pre- 
vail as  to  this  bill.  I  wish  that  he  had  set  a 
better  example,  by  his  voice  and  vote  upon 
the  other  measure.  This  bill  is  founded  in 
part  on  the  confiscation  system.  If  that  were 
inhuman,  then  this  is  its  aggravation.  The 
former  takes  the  lands  which  are  abandoned 
by  loyal  or  disloyal  whites,  under  the  pres- 
sure of  war ;  while  the  present  bill  turns 
these  abandoned  lands  over  to  the  blacks. 
But  motives  of  humanity,  however  pure,  are 
not  the  motives  that  should  prompt  legislation 
altogether. 

I  only  refer  to  the  confiscation  part  of  the 
measura  to  show  how  comprehensive  and  all- 
reaching  is  this  scheme.  The  industrious 
gentleman  from  Massachusetts  [Mr.  Eliot] 
states  that  he  is  the  author  of  the  confiscation 
bill,  of  which  this  bill  is  the  sequel. 

Mr.  ELIOT.  I  did  not  say  that  I  was  the 
author  of  the  confiscation  bill.  I  said  that  I 
reported  it  from  the  select  committee  that  had 
that  matter  in  charge. 

Mr.  COX.  I  misapprehended  the  tenor  of  the 
gantleman's  remarks.  I  have  no  doubt  that 
he  had  a  good  deal  to  do  with  getting  it  up. 
The  gentleman's  modesty  will  not  permit  him 
to  claim  the  credit  of  it.  I  rather  thick  that 
all  of  these  measures  spring  from  the  fertile 
brain  of  the  Solicitor  of  the  Treasury,  ( Mr. 
Whiting.  J  He  is  the  reservoir  of  all  the  Re- 
publican heresy  and  legislation  proposed  iii 
this  House  ;  though  he  is  often  confounded,  I 
think,  with  Divine  Providence,  to  whom  gen- 
tlemen are  erroneously  in  the  habit  of  attrib- 
uting these  abolition  measures. 

But  to  return  to  the  ^member  from  Massa- 
chusetts. The  f;fFect  of  former  legislation  has 
been,  in  his  opinion,  to  bring  under  zhe  con- 


trol of  the  Q-overnment  large  multitudes  of 
freedmen  who  "had  ceased  to  be  slaves,  but 
had  not  lesrced  how  to  be  fre?."  To  care  for 
these  multitudes  he  presents  this  bill,  which, 
if  not  crude  and  undigested,  yet  is  sweeping 
and  revolutionary.  It  begins  a  policy  for  our 
Federal  Government  of  limited  and  express 
power?,  so  latitudinarian  that  the  whole  sys- 
tem of  our  Government  is  changed.  If  the 
acts  of  confiscation  and  the  proclamations,  on 
which  this  measure  is  founded,  be  usurpations, 
how  can  we  who  have  denounced  them  favor 
a  maasure  like  this  ? 

According  to  Mr.  Whiting  this  system,  to 
be  complete,  must  include  in  its  provisions 
all  the  abandoned  lands,  all  lands  forfeited  for 
taxes,  all  confiscated  lands,  all  derelict  per- 
sonalty, all  colored  men  free  before  the  war 
in  rebellious  districts,  and  all  fugitives  there- 
to from  loyal  States,  all  legal  proceedings  of 
confiscation,  all  migrations  of  blacks  to  and 
trom  rebel  States,  ail  laws  compensating  mas- 
ters for  slaves,  and  all  other  matters  relating 
to  the  colored  people,  whether  bond  or  free* 

This  is  a  new  system  introduced  into  our 
Government.  It  opens  a  vast  opportunity  for 
greed,  tyranny,  corruption  and  abuse.  It 
may  be  inaugurated  in  the  name  of  humanityr 
but  I  doubt,  sir,  if  any  Government,  much 
less  our  Federal  Government  of  limited  and 
delegated  powers,  will  ever  succeed  in  the 
philanthropic  line  of  business,  such  as  is 
contemplated  by  this  bill. 

The  gentleman  from  Massachusetts  appeals 
to  us  to  forget  the  past — not  to  inquire  how 
these  poor  people  have  become  free,  whether 
by  law  or  by  usurpation — but  to  look  the 
great  fact  in  the  face  "that  three  millions- 
slaves  have  become  and  are  becoming  free." 

Before  I  come  to  that  great  fact  let  me  first 
look  to  the  Constitution.  My  oath  to  that  is^ 
the  highest  humanity.  By  preserving  the 
Constitution  amidst  the  rack  of  war,  in  any 
vital  part,  we  are  saving  for  a  better  time" 
something  of  those  liberties.  State  and  per- 
sonal, which  have  given  so  much  happiness 
for  over  seventy  years  to  so  many  millions  ;• 
and  which,  under  a  favorable  Administration, 
might  again  restore  contentment  to  our' 
afflicted  people.  Hence  the  highest  hu- 
manity is  in  building  strong  the  ramparts  of 
constitutional  restraint  against  such  radical 
usurpations  as  is  proposed  to  be  inaugu- 
rated by  measures  kindred  to  this  before  the 
House. 


4 


If  the  gentleman  cin  sliow  us  warrant  in 
tlie  Constitution  to  establish  this  eleemosyna- 
ry system  for  the  blacks,  and  for  making  the 
Government  of  the  United  States  a  grand 
plantation  speculator  and  overseer,  and  the 
Treasury  a  fund  for  the  helpless  negro,  I  will 
then  consider  the  charitahie  light  in  which  he 
has  commended  his  bill  to  our  sympathies. 
It  does  not  follow  that  because  (a.s  General 
Butler  once  said)  there  were  as  naany  poor 
in  proportion  to  the  people  in  the  poorhouses 
of  Massachusetts  who  were  killed  outright  by 
bad  treatment  as  were  killed  at  the  battle  of 
Solferino  in  proportion  to  those  engaged, 
that  we  are  to  interfere  by  Federal  legislation 
for  the  victims  of  Massachusetts  inhumanity. 

I  would  love  to  do  something  for  the  poor 
blacks  who  have  been  thrown  houseless, 
clotheless,  foodless,  medicineless,  and  friend- 
less on  the  cold  world  by  the  improvident 
and  barbarous  philanthropy  now  in  vogue ; 
but  when  my  constituents  ask  me  for  my 
warrant  thus  to  tax  them,  I  wish  to  be  able 
to  point  it  out.  If  you  can  so  frame  your  bill 
as  to  draw  no  money  from  the  Treasury,  and 
make  your  scheme  self-supporting;  or  if  you 
can  so  perfect  the  system  as  to  connect  it 
legally  with  the  military  without  degrading 
the  Army,  and  still  discipline  and  care  for 
the  unfortunate  blacks,  male  and  female,  old 
and  young,  strong  and  weak,  then  we  may 
consider  its  propriety  and  legality  with  a 
view  to  aid  its  passage. 

We  cannot  and  do  not  desire  to  ignore  the 
fact  that  incalculable  misery  has  been  and 
will  be  the  fate  of  the  freed  negroes  ;  but  it 
is  another  and  a  difficult  problem  to  reconcile 
the  aid  they  require  from  the  benevolent  with 
our  oaths  and  well-matured  judgments  as  to 
the  province  of  the  Federal  Government  over 
matters  like  this.  The  gentleman  refers  us 
for  the  constitutionality  of  this  measure  to 
the  war  power,  the  same  power  by  which  he 
justifies  the  emancipation  proclamation  and 
similar  measures.  We  upon  this  side  are 
thoroughly-  convinced  of  the  utter  sophistry  of 
BHch  reasoning.  If  the  proclamation  be  un- 
toustitutioual,  how  can  this  or  any  measure 
based  oiUt  be  valid  f  The  gentleman  says, 
"If  the  President  had  the  power  to  free  the 
slave,  does  it  not  imply  the  power  to  take 
care  of  hiia  when  freed?"  Yes,  no  doubt. 
If  he  had  any  power  under  the  war  power  he 
has  all  power.  He  is  so  utterly  irresponsible 
that  even  Congress^cannot  share  bis  monarch- 
ical despotism.  Under  the  war  power  he 
is  a  tyrant  without  a  clinch  on  his  revolu- 
tions. He  can  spin  in  any  orbit  he  likes,  as 
far  and  as  long  as  he  pleases. 

He  refers  us  also  to  that  clause  of  the  Con- 
stitution which  authorizes  Congress  to  de- 
clare war  and  make  rules  concerning  captures 
on  land."  This  latter  argument  squares  with 
the  theory  of  this  war  announced  by  the  gen- 
tleman from  Pennsylvania,  [Mr.  Stevens,] 
for  the  authority  of  Congress  to  declare  war 
is  of  course  only  meant  as  against  foreign  na- 
tions, and  Congress  can  make  all  rules  con 


cerning  captures  in  siicn  a  war.  But  ?inle-s 
the  gentlemen  on  the  other  side  arc  ready  to 
acknowledge  the  independence  of  the  South, 
and  recognize  them  as  a  separate  nation  o;  bel- 
ligerents, then  his  argument  proves  nothing 
in  behalf  of  this  bill,  except  that  he  is  a  the- 
oretical secessionist.  The  constitutional  ar- 
gument in  favor  of  this  bill  is  one  that  this 
side  of  this  House  cannot  recognize,  unless 
we  are  prepared  to  unsay  and  undo  all  that 
we  have  said  and  done  to  protect  the  Consti- 
tution since  the  abolition  measures  began  to 
take  the  form  of  law. 

"  But,"  it  is  urged,  something  must  be 
done  for  the  poor  blacks.  They  are  perishing 
by  thousands.  We  must  look  the  great  fact 
of  aui'l- slavery  and  its  millions  of  enfranchised 
victims  in  the  face  and  legislate  for  their  re- 
lief." Such  is  the  appeal  to  our  kindlier  na- 
tures. Something  should  be  done.  The  hu- 
manity which  so  long  pitied  the  plumage 
should  not  forget  the  dying  bird.  But  what 
can  be  done  without  violating  the  Constitu- 
tion of  the  United  States,  or  without  intrench- 
ing upon  a  domain  never  granted  by  the 
States  or  the  people  in  their  written  charter 
of  powers  ?  What  can  be  done  ?  Oh !  ye 
honey-toEgued  humanitarians  of  New  Eng- 
land, with  your  coffers  filled  from  the  rough 
hand  of  western  toil,  the  beaded  sweat  of 
whose  industry  by  the  subtle  alchemy  of  your 
inventive  genius  is  transmuted  into  the  jew- 
els of  your  parvenu  and  shoddy  splendor,  with 
your  dividends  rising  higher  and  higher  like 
waves  under  this  storm  of  war ;  I  would  be- 
seech you  to  go  into  the  camps  of  the  contra- 
bands, as  the  gentleman  described  them,  who 
are  starving  and  pining  for  their  old  homes, 
and  lift  them  out  of  the  mire  into  which  your 
improvident  and  premature  schemes  have 
dragged  them,  pour  the  oil  of  healing  into 
their  wounds,  and  save  a  few  of  them  at  least 
from  the  doom  of  extirpation.  Here  is  a  fit- 
ting and  legal  opportunity  for  the  exercise  of 
a  gracious  humanity.  I  rejoice  to  know  that 
many  good  men,  even  from  New  England, 
have  embraced  it. 

But  the  gentleman  urges  this  legislation, 
because  if  it  be  not  passed,  the  President's 
proclamation  will  be  made  "a  living  lie."  He 
tl^Jnlcs  that  "neither  the  considerate  judgment 
of  mankind  nor  the  gracious  favor  of  God  can 
be  invoked  upon  the  President's  act  of  free- 
dom, unless  the  law  shall  protect  the  freedom 
which  the  sword  has  declared."  Not  merely 
has  the  President's  proclamation  been  made 
a  living  lie,  but  the  thousands  of  corpses  daily 
hurried  out  of  the  contraband  hovels  and 
tents  aleng  the  Mississippi  prove  it  to  have 
been  a  deadly  lie.  Neither  the  judgment  of 
man  nor  the  favor  of  God  can  be  invoked  with- 
out mockery  upon  a  fanatical  project  so 
fraught  with  misery  to  the  weak  and  whole- 
sale slaughter  to  its  deluded  victims ! 

But  we  are  warned  to  look  the  great  fact  in 
the  face  that  millions  unfit  for  freedom  are  yet 
to  become  free.  I  know,  Mr.  Speaker,  that 
we  cannot  change  the  fact  by  closing  our 


5 


eyes.  It  is  true.  The  revolution  rolls  on. 
No  effort  on  the  part  of  tlie  Democracy  to 
achieve'  a  peace  through  conciliation  will  now 
be  listened  to.  The  spirit  of  those  in  power 
is  the  spirit  of  extermination.  The  war  with 
its  revolutions  goes  on,  and  slavery  as  a  polit- 
ical if  not  as  a  social  institution  may  fall  un- 
der its  crushing  car.  It  may  be  that  all  of  the 
four  million  slaves  will  be  thrown,  like  the 
one  hundred  thousand  already  freed,  upon 
the  frigid  charities  of  the  world.  But,  sir,  if 
slavery  be  doomed,  so,  alas  !  is  the  slave.  No 
scheme  like  this  bill  can  save  him.  The  In- 
dian reserves,  treaties,  bounties,  and  agencies 
did  not  and  does  not  save  the  red  man.  No 
Government  farming  system,  no  charitable 
black  scheme,  can  wash  out  the  color  of  the 
negro,  change  his  inferior  nature,  or  save  him 
from  his  inevitable  iate.  The  irrepressible 
conflict  is  not  between  slavery  and  Ireedom, 
but  between  black  and  white  ;  and,  as  De 
Tocquerille  prophesied,  the  black  will  perish. 

Do  gentlemen  on  the  other  side  rely  upon 
the  new  system,  called  by  the  transcendental 
abolitionists  ^^Miscegenation,"  to  save  the 
'  black?  This  is  but  another  name  for  amal- 
gamation ;  but  it  will  not  save  the  negro. 
True,  Wendell  Phillips  says  it  is  ''God's 
own  method  of  crushing  out  the  hatred  of 
racej  and  of  civilizing  and  elevating  the 
world,"  and  Theodore  Tilton.  th^  editor  of 
the  Independent,  („  paper  publishing  the  laws 
of  the  United. States  by  authority,J)  holds  that 
hereafter  the  "negro  will  lose  his  typical 
blackness  and  be  found  clad  in  white  men's 
skins."  But,  sir,  no  system  so  repugnant  to 
the  nature  of  our  race — and  to  organize  which 
doubtless  the  next  Congress  of  Progressives, 
and  perhaps  the  gentleman  from  Massachu- 
setts, will  practically  provide — can  save  the 
negro. 

Mr.  ELIOT.  I  have  no  doubt  that  my 
friend  understands  all  about  it. 

Mr.  COX.  I  understand  all  about  it,  for  I 
have  the  doctrines  laid  down  in  circulars, 
pamphlets,  and  books  published  by  your  anti- 
slavery  people.  But  it  was  not  my  intention 
to  discuss  it  now  and  upon  this  bill. 

Mr.  PRICE.  If  all  the  blacks  are  crushed 
out,  how  is  amalgamation  to  ruin  the  coun- 
try ? 

Mr.  COX.  They  will  all  run,  according 
to  the  new  gospel  of  abolition,  into  the  white 
people,  on  that  side  of  the  House.  [Laugh- 
ter.] 

Mr.  ELIOT.  Is  that  what  the  gentleman  is 
afraid  of  ? 

Mr.  COX.  No,  sir,  for  I  do  not  believe 
that  the  doctrine  of  miscegenation,  or  the 
amalgamation  of  the  white  and  black,  now 
strenuously  urged  by  the  abolition  leaders, 
will  save  the  negro.  It  will  destroy  him  ut- 
terly. The  physiologist  will  tell  the  gentle- 
man that  the  mulatto  does  not  live  ;  he  does 
not  recreate  his  kind ;  he  is  a  monster. 

Such  hybrid  races  by  a  law  of  Providence, 
scarcely  survive  beyond  one  generation.  I 
promise  the  gentleman  at  some  future  and  ap- 


I  propriate  time,  when  better  prepared  to  de- 
j  velope  that  idea  of  miscegenation  as  now 
j  heralded  by  the  abolitionists,  who  are  in  the 
van  of  the  Republican  movement — 
I  Mr.  ELIOT.  I  hope  that  the  gentleman 
!  will  go  into  it. 

I    Mr.  COX.    If  such  be  the  desire  of  the  gen- 
i  tleman  I  will  attempt  it,  though  reluctantly  ; 
I  for  my  materials,  like  the  doctrine,  are  a  little 
"mixed." 
Mr.  GRINNELL  rose. 

Mr.  COX.  I  cannot  yield  to  the  gentleman. 
I  want  none  of  his  impertinences  in  my  speech. 
The  other  day  when  I  was  speaking  he  inter- 
rupted me  with  them  without  my  consent.  I 
do  not  recognize  him  as  the  member  to  whom 
I  owe  the  courtesy  of  my  attention. 

But  since  I  am  challenged  to  exhibit  this 
doctrine  of  the  abolitionists — called  after 
some  Greek  words — miscegenation — to  mingle 
and  generate— I  call  your  attention  first  to  a 
circular  I  hold  in  my  hand.  It  was  circulated 
at  the  Cooper  Institute  the  other  night,  when 
a  female  who,  in  the  presence  of  the  Presi- 
dent, Vice  President,  and  you,  Mr.  Speaker, 
and  your  associates  in  this  Hall,  made  the 
same  saucy  speech  for  abolition  which  she  ad- 
dressed to  the  people  of  New  York.  It  begins 
with  the  following  significant  quotation  from 
Shakspeare : 

"  The  elements 
So  mixed  in  him  that  Nature-migh  stand  up, 
And  say  to  the  world,  ' '  This  was  a  man  !" 
[Laughter.] 

''Miscegenation,  the  Theory  of  the  Blending  of  the 
Races,  applied  to  the  American  White  Man  and  Negro. 
Among  the  subjects  treated  of  are — 

"  1.  The  Mixture  of  Caucasian  and  African  Blood  Essen- 
tial to  American  Progress."  [Laughter.] 

"2.  How  the  American  may  become  Comely.  [Laugh- 
ter.] 

"3.  The  Type  Man  a  Miscegen— The  Sphynx  Riddle 
Solved. 

"  4.  The  Irish  and  Negro  first  to  Commingle, "  [Laugh- 
ter.] 

"  5.  Heart  Histories  of  the  Daughters  of  the  South. 
"  6.  Miscegenetic  Ideal  of  Beauty  in  Woman. 
"  7.  The  Future— No  White— No  Black." 

If  gentlemen  doubt  the  authenticity  of  this 
new  movement  let  them  go  to  the  office  of 
publication,  113  Nassau  street.  New  York, 
and  purchase.  The  movement  is  an  advance 
upon  the  doctrine  of  the  gentlemen  opposite, 
but  they  will  soon  work  up  to  it.  The  more 
philosophical  and  apostolic  of  the  abolition 
fraternity  have  fully  decided  upon  the  adop- 
tion of  this  amalgamation  platform.  I  am 
informed  that  the  doctrines  are  already  in- 
dorsed by  such  lights  as  Parker  Pillsbury, 
Lueretia  Mott,  Albert  Brisbane,  William 
Wells  Brown,  Dr.  McCune  Smith,  (half  and 
half — miscegen,)  Angelina  Grimke,  Theodore 
D.  Weld  and  wife,  and  others. 

But  these  are  inferior  lights  compared  with 
others  I  shall  quote.  When  I  name  Theodore 
Tilton,  an  editor  of  the  Government  paper  in 
Brooklyn  called  the  Independent ;  when  I  re- 
call the  fact  that  the  polished  apostle  of  abo- 
lition, Wendell  Phillips,  whose  golden-lipped 
eloquence  can  make  miscegenation  as  attrac- 
tive to  the  ear  as  it  is  to  the  other  senses; 
when  I  quote  from  the  New  York  Tribune,  the 


6 


centre  and  circumference  of  tlie  abolition 
movement,  and  Mrs  Stowe,  whose  writings 
have  almost  redeemed  by  tbeir  genius  the 
hate  and  discord  which  they  aided  to  create  ; 
when  I  shall  have  done  all  this,  I  am  sure  the 
Progressives  on  the  the  other  side  will  begin 
to  prick  up  their  ears  and  study  the  new 
science  of  miscegenation  with  a  view  to  its 
practical  realization  by  a  bureau.  [Laughter.  ] 
First  hear  the  tealirciony  of  Wendell  Phil- 
lips.   He  says  : 

"  Now  I  am  goiug  to  say  something  that  I  know  will 
make  the  New  York  Herald  use  its  small  capitals  and 
notes  of  admiration,  and  yet  no  welt-iuformed  man  this 
side  of  Cbina  but  believes  it  in  the  very  core  of  his  heart. 
That  is,  '  amalgamation,'  a  word  that  the  northern  apolo- 
gist for  slavery  has  always  used  so  glibly,  but  which  you 
never  heard  from  a  southerner.  Amalgamation  1  Re- 
member this,  the  youngest  of  you,  that  on  the  4th  day  of 
July,  l8o3,  you  heard  a  man  say  that  iu  the  light  of  all 
history,  in  virtue  of  every  page  he  ever  read,  he  was  an 
amalgumatiouist  to  the  utmost  extent.  I  have  no  hope 
for  the  future,  as  this  country  has  no  past,  and  Europe.has 
no  past  but  in  that  subiime  mingling  of  races  which  is 
God's  ov/n  method  of  civilizing  and  elevating  the  world. 
God,  by  the  events  of  His  provideace,  is  crushing  out  the 
hatred  of  race  which  has  crippled  this  country  until 
to-day." 

I  put  it  to  gentlemen  on  the  other  side. 
Are  you  responsible  for  him  ?  Ah  I  you  re- 
ceived him,  how  ardently  in  this  city  and 
Capitol  last  year. 

Mr.  ELIOT.  To  whom  does  the  gentleman 
refer? 

Mr.  COX.  Wendell  Phillips.  The  Senate 
doors  flew  open  for  him;  the  Vice  President 
of  the  United  States  welcomed  him  ;  Senators 
flocked  around  him  ;  Representatives  cheered 
his  disunion  utterances  at  the  Smithsonian ; 
and  you  will  follow  him  wherever  he  leads. 
He  is  a  practical  amalgamationist,  and  he  is 
leading  and-  will  lead  you  up  to  the  platfrom 
on  which  you  will  finally  stand.  You  may 
seem  coy  and  reluctant  now,  but  so  you  were 
about  the  political  equality  of  the  negro  a 
year  ago  ;  so  you  were  about  abolishing  slave- 
ry in  the  States  two  years  ago.  Now  you  are 
in  the  millennial  glory  of  abolition.  So  it 
will  be  hereafter  with  amalgamation  I 

Here  is  what  Theodore  Tilton,  editor  of  the 
Independent,  says  in  the  circ^ilar  to  which  I 
have  referred : 

"  Have  you  not  seen  with  your  own  eyes — ^no  man  can 
have  eicaped  it — that  the  black  race  in  this  couutry  is 
losing  its  typical  blackness?  The  Indian  is  dying  out; 
the  negro  is  only  changing  color  1  Men  who,  by  and  by , 
shall  ask  for  the  Indians  will  be  pointed  to  their  graves  : 
'There  lis  their  asLaes.'  Men  who,  by  and  by,  shall  ask 
for  the  negroes  wid  be  told,  '  There  they  go,  clad  in  white 
men's  skins.'  A  hundred  years  ago  a  mulatto  was  a  ea- 
riosily  ;  now  the  mulatiocs  are  half  a  million.  You  can 
yourself  predict  the  future  1" 

Mr.  ELIOT.  The  gentleman  will  permit 
me  to  say  that  surely  all  this  was  under  a 
state  of  slavery. 

Mr.  COX.  I  will  show  the  gentleman  di- 
rectly that  his  friends  and  leaders  propose  to 
continue  it  in  a  state  of  freedom.  It  will  be 
the  freest  kind  of  license. 

Mr.  ELIOT.  The  gentleman  will  allow  me 
to  suggest  whether  the  difficulty  he  labors 
wader  is  not  that  the  Democratic  party  is 
'  afraid  the  Republicans  will  get  ahead  of  them. 


Mr.  COX.  I  am  not  afraid  of  anything  of 
the  kind  while  white  people  remain  upon 
which  we  can  center  our  affections  and  phil- 
anthropy. You  can  take  the  whole  monopo- 
ly of  "  miscegenation . ' '  We  abhor  and  detest 
it.  The  circular  referred  to  has  other  in- 
dorsements, which  I  quote  before  I  reach  that 
Warwick  of  Republicanism,  Horace  Greely. 
The  Anti-Slavery  Standard  of  Januarji  30  says  : 

"This  pamphlet  comes  directly  and  fearlessly  to  the 
advocacy  of  an  idea  of  which  the  American  people  are 
more  afraid  than  any  other.  Assuredly  God's  laws  will 
fulfill  and  vindicate  themselves.  It  Is  in  the  highest  de- 
gree improbable  tbat  he  has  placed  a  natural  repugnance 
between  any  two  families  of  His  children.  If  He  has 
done  so,  that  decree  will  execute  itself,  and  these  two 
will  never  seek  intimate  companionship  togccher.  If,  on 
the  contrary,  He  has  made  no  such  barrier,  no  such  one 
is  needful  or  desirable,  and  every  attempt  to  restrain 
these  parties  from  exercising  their  natural  choice  is  in 
contraveulion  of  His  will,  and  is  an  unjust  exercise  of 
power.  The  future  must  decide  how  far  black  and  white 
are  disposed  to  seek  each  other  in  marriage.  The  proba- 
bility is  that  there  will  bo  a  progressive  intermiiagling, 
and  that  the  nation  will  be  benefitted  by  it." 

I  hold  in  my  hand  the  Anglo-AfMcan,  of 
January  23,  which  discusses  this  subject  from 
the  purely  African  stand-point : 

"  The  author  of  the  pamphlet  befose  us  advances  be- 
yond these  lights  of  the  days  gone  by.  What  they  deemed 
a  remote  and  undesirable  probability  he  regards  as  a 
present  and  pressing  necessity  ;  what  they  deemed  to  be 
an  evil  to  be  legislated  against  he  regards  as  a  blessing 
which  should  be  hastended  by  all  the  legislative  and  po- 
litical organizations  in  the  land  I  The  v/ord—nay  the 
deed — miscegenation,  the  same  in  substance  with  tho 
word  amalgamation,  the  terror  of  our  abolition  friends 
twenty  years  ago,  and  of  many  of  them*  to-day — miscege- 
nation, which  means  intermarriages  between  whites  and 
blacks — '  miscegenation,'  which  means  the  absolute  prac- 
tical brotherhood  or  social  intermingling  of  blacks  and 
whites,  ho  would  have  inscribed  on  the  banner  of  the 
Republican  party,  and'  held  np  as  the  watchword  of  the 
next  presidential  platform  !"  ***** 

*  *  "  We  tfike  a  deep  interest  in  the  doctrine  shad- 
owed forth,  that  to  improve  a  given  race  of  men.  It  is 
too  late  to  begin  with  infant  and  Sunday  schooling;  at 
birth  they  have  the  bent  of  their  parents,  which  we  may 
slightly  alter  but  cannot  radically  change.  The  education 
and  improvement  should  begin  with  the  marriage  of  par- 
ties who,  instead  of  strong  resemblances,  should  have 
contras  s  which  are  complementary  each  of  the  other.  It 
is  disgraceful  to  our  modern  civilization  that  we  have 
societies  for  improving  tho  breed  of  sheep,  horses,  and 
pigs,  while  the  human  race  is  left  t-o  grow  up  without 
scientific  culture." 

The  editor  of  the  Anglo-African  confesses 
that  he  is  a  little  staggered  in  bis  theories  by 
what  he  calls  the  evident  deterioration  of  the 
mixed  bloods  of  Central  America,  but  he  finds 
t|je  solution  of  the  difficulty  in  the  fact  that 
the  races  there  mixed,  Indian  and  Spanish, 
are  not  complementary  of  each  other.  This, 
to  my  observation,  Mr.  Speaker,  is  as  absurd 
as  it  is  untrue.  But  I  am  not  now  arguing 
the  reasonableness  of  this  doctrine  of  mixed 
races.  I  only  propose  to  show  what  it  is,  and 
whither  it  is  tending. 

The  New  York  Tribune,  the  great  organ  of 
the  dominant  party,  is  not  so  firank  as  the 
Anglo-African,  but  its  exposition  of  "miscege- 
nation" is  one  of  the  signs  which  point  to  the 
Republican  solution  of  our  African  troubles 
by  the  amalgamation  of  the  ra^ea.  In  indors- 
ing the  doctrine  of  this  pamphlet,  Mr.  Gree- 
ley holds  that—!, 

"  No  statesman  in  his  senses  cares  to  prt  morsels  of 
cuticle  under  a  microscopo  before  be  determines  upon 


7 


the  prudence  of  a  particular  policy.  Dvcersity  of  races  is 
the  condition  precedent  in  America,  <md  their  assimilation 
is  the  problem.  High  skulls,  broad  skulls,  long  skulls, 
black  hair,  red  hair,  yellow  hair,  copper  skins,  or  olive 
skins,  Caucasians,  Ethiopians,  Mongolians,  Americans, 
Malays,  with  oval  pelvis,  round  pelvis,  square  pelvis,  or 
oblong  pelvis,  we  have  or  may  have  them  all  in  our  pop- 
ulation ;  and  our  business  is  to  accommodate  all  by  sub- 
iecting  merely  material  ditTerences  to  the  ameliorating 
influence  of  an  honest  and  unlimited  recognition  of  one 
common  nature," 

To  ''assimilate  these  various  races"  is  the 
problem  which  Mr.  Greeley  approaches.  We 
cannot  but  admire  the  delicate  phraseology  by 
which  his  approaches  are  couched.  Not  so 
the  pamphlet  to  which  I  referred.  It  is  bold 
and  out- spoken.  It  advocates  a  preference  of 
the  black  over  the  white  as  partners.  The  fol- 
lowing are  the  points  inculcated  by  its  author : 

"  1.  Since  the  whole  human  race  is  of  one  family,  there 
should  be  in  a  republic  no  distinction  in  political  or  social 
rights  on  account  of  color,  race,  or  nativity. 

2.  The  doctrine  of  human  brotherho'od  implies  the 
right  of  white  and  black  to  intermarry. 

"  3.  llie  solution  of  the  negro  problem  will  not  be 
reached  in  this  country  until  public  opinion  sanctions  a 
union  of  the  two  races. 

"  4.  As  the  negro  is  here,  and  cannot  be  driven  out, 
there  should  be  no  impediment  to  the  absorption  of  one 
race  in  the  other. 

"  5.  Legitimate  unions  between  whites  and  blacks 
could  not  possibly  have  any  worse  effect  than  the  illegiti- 
mate unions  which  have  been  going  on  more  than  a  cen- 
tury at  the  South. 

"  6.  Tlie  mingling  of  diverse  races  is  proved  by  all 
history  to  have  been  a  positive  benefit  to  the  progeny. 

"  7.  The  southern  rebellion  is  caused  less  by  slavery 
than  by  the  base  prejudice  resulting  from  distinction  of 
color  ;  and  perfect  peace  can  come  only  by  a  cessation  of 
that  distinction  through  an  absoption  of  the  black  race 
by  the  white. 

'•8.  It  is  the  duty  of  anti-slavery  men  everywhere  to 
advocate  the  mingling  of  the  two  races. 

9.  The  next  presidential  election  should  secure  to  the 
blacks  all  their  social  and  political  rights  ;  and  the  pro- 
gressive partj'  should  not  flinch  from  conclusions  fairly 
deducible  from  their  own  principles. 

"  10.  In  the  mcliennial  future  the  highest  type  of  man- 
hood will  not  be  white  or  black,  but  brown  ;  and  the 
union  of  black  with  white  in  marriage  will  help  the  hu- 
man family  the  sooner  to  realize  its  great  destiny-" 

The  author  finds  an  emblem  of  his  success 
in  the  blending  of  many  to  make  the  one  new 
race,  in  the  crowning  of  the  dome  above  this 
Capitol  with  the  bronze  statue  of  Liberty  I  It 
is  neither  black  nor  white,  but  the  interme- 
diate miscegen,  typifying  the  exquisite  com- 
posite race  which  is  to  arise  out  of  this  war 
for  abolition,  and  whose  destiny  it  is  to  rule 
the  continent !  Well  might  the  correspond- 
ent of  the  New  York  Tribune,  in  describing 
the  lifting  of  the  uncouth  masses,  and  bolting 
them  together  joint  by  joint,  till  they  blended 
into  the  majestic  ''Freedom"  which  lifts  her 
head  in  the  blue  sky  ■  above  us,  regard  the 
scene  as  prophetic  of  the  time  when  the  re 
constructed  symbol  of  freedom  in  America 
shall  be  a  colored  goddess  of  liberty  I  But  to 
the- pamphlet  itself.  Here  we  have  it,  Mr. 
Speaker.  This  new  evangel  for  the  redemp- 
tion of  the  black  and  white,  upon  its  intro- 
ductory page  begins  as  follows  : 

"  The  word  is  spoken  at  last.  It  is  miscegenation — the 
blending  of  the  various  races  of  men — the  practical  re- 
cognition of  the  brotherhood  of  all  the  children  of  tho 
common  Father."  [Laughter.] 

Just  what  our  miscegenetic  Chaplain  prays 
for  here  almost  every  morning ;  and  you  all 


voted  for  him,  even  some  of  my  friends  from 

the  border  States.    The  "introduction"  pro-  * 

ceeda  : 

"While  the  sublime  inspirations  of  Christianity  l^ve 
taught  this  doctrine,  Christians  so-called  have  igniplp  it 
in  denying  social  equality  to  the  colored  man  ;  while  de- 
mocracy is  founded  upon  tho  idea  that  all  men  are  equal. 
Democrats  have  shrunk  from  the  logic  of  their  own  creed 
and  refused  to  fraternize  with  the  people  of  all  nations : 
while  science  has  demonstrated  tbat  the  intermarriage  of 
diverse  races  is  indispensable  to  a  progressive  humanity, 
its  votaries,  in  this  country  at  least,  have  never  had  the 
courage  to  apply  that  rule  to  the  relations  of  the  white 
and  colored  races.  But  Christianity,  democracy,  and 
science  are  stronger  than  the  tiinidity,  prejudice,  and  pride 
of  sbort-sighted  men,  and  they  teach tliat  a  people,  to  be-- 
come  great,  must  become  comi)osite.  This  involves  what 
i.T  vulgarly  known  as  amalgatiou,"  (laughter.) and  those 
who  dread  that  name,  and  the  thought  and  fact  it  imphes, 
are  warned  against  reading  these  pages." 

There  are  some  remarkable  things  thrown 
out  in  this  pamphlet,  which  should  be  exam- 
ined by  gentlemen  upon  the  other  side.  The 
author  discusses  the  effect  ©f  temperature  on 
color.  Quoting  from  a  German  naturalist,  he 
holds — 

"That  the  true  skin  is  perfectly  white  ;  that  over  it  is 
placed  another  membrane,  called  the  reticular  tissue,  and 
that  this  is  the  membrane  that  is  black  ;  and,  finally ,  that 
it  is  covered  by  a  third  membrane,  the  scarf  skin,  which 
has  been  compared  to  a  tine  varnish  lightly  extended  over 
the  colored  membrane,  and  designed  to  protect  it.  Ex- 
amine also  this  piece  of  skin  belonging  to  a  very  fair  per- 
son. You  perceive  over  the  true  white  skin  a  membrane 
of  a  slightly  brownish  tint,  and  over  that  again,  but  quite 
distinct  from  it.  a  transparent  membrane,  la  other  words 
it  clearly  appears  that  the  whjtcs  aud  the  copper-colored 
have  a  colored  membrane  which  is  placed  uud  r  the  scarf 
skin  and  immediately  above  the  true  skin,  just  as  it  is  la 
the  negro.  The  infant  negroes  are  horn  white,  or  rather 
reddish,  like  those  of  oilier  people,^''  (laughter.)  "  hut  in  two 
or  iiiree  days  the  color  her/ins  to  change  ;  Uiey  speedily  become 
copper-colored,"  QsLUghter,)  "andby  the  seven.h  or  eighth 
day,  though  ney^er  exposed  to  the  sun,  they  appear  quite  black.''* 
(Laughter.)  "  He  mentions  that  it  is  known  I'lat  negroes 
in  some  instances  are  born  quite  white  or  an;  tn;c  Albinos; 
somef-mes,  after  being  black  for  many  years,  they  become 
piebald,  or  wholly  white,  without  ihuir  gonL-nil  health 
suff'^ring  under  the  change.  He  also  mentions  another 
metamorphosis,  which  would  not  be  agreeable  to  the  pre- 
judices of  many  among  us  ;  it  is  that  of  the  white  becom- 
ing piebald  with  black  as  deep  as  ebony." 

That  is  an  argument  to  show  that  we  all, 
j  black  and  white,  start  off  in  the  race  of  life 
nearly  of  the  same  color,  and  that  we  ought 
to  come  to  it  again,  by  the  processes  of — mis- 
cegenation ! 

The  author,  in  his  second  chapter,  devotes 
many  pages  to  considerrag  the  superiority  of 
mixed  races.  Without  combating  his  tacts  or 
deductions,  let  me  quote  this  grand  conclu- 
sion : 

"  "Whatever  of  power  and  vitality  there  is  in  the  Amer- 
ican race  is  derived,  notlrom  its  Anglo-Saxon  j^rogCi^itors, 
but  from  a  1  the  different  nationalities  which  go  to  make 
up  this  people.  All  that  is  uecJoJ  to  make  l.s  the  finest 
race  on  earth  is  to  ingraft  upon  our  stock  thcj  negro  ele- 
ment which  Providence  has  j  laccd  by  our  side  on  this 
continent."  (Laughter.)  Of  all  the  r.ch  treasures  of 
blood  vouchsafed  to  us,  that  of  tho  negro  is  the  nmst  pre- 
cious," (laughter.)  because  it  is  the  most  nniikc  any 
other  that  euters  into  the  composition  of  our  national  Ufe." 
(Laughter.) 

Mr.  WASHBURNE,  of  Illinois.  I  wish  my 
friend  from  Ohio  to  read  an  extract  from  a 
book  which  he  himself  wrote. 

Mr.  COX.  My  friend  ought  not  to  be  so 
sensitive.  These  dev^  lopments  will  not  hurt 
him.  does  not  belong  to  the  mi^cegenists 
yet;  and  if  he  will  stand  by  General  Grants 


8 


and  the  white  constitution — physical  and  po- 
litical— he  will  not  "mix"  himself  in  this 
matter.    I  again  quote  : 

"  It  is  clear  that  no  race  can  long  endure  without  a  com- 
mingli^  of  its  blood  with  that  of  oiher  races.  The  con- 
ditionWall human  progress  is  miscegenation."  (Laughter.) 
"The  Anglo-Saxon  should  learn  this  in  time  for  his  own 
salvation.  If  wc  will  not  heed  the  demands  of  justice  let 
us  at  least  respect  the  law  of  self-preservation.  Provi- 
dence has  kindly  placed  on  the  American  soil,  for  his  own 
wise  purposes,  four  million  colored  people.  They  are  our 
brothers,  our  sisters."  (Laughter.)  "  By  mingling  with 
them  we  become  powerful,  prosperous,  and  progressive  ; 
by  refusing  to  do  so  we  become  feeble,  unhealthy",  narrow- 
minded,  unfit  for  the  nobler  ofijces  of  freedom,  and  certain 
of  early  decay."  (Laughter.) 

I  call  the  especial  attention  of  my  friend  from 
Massachusetts  [Mr.  Eliot]  to  these  points, 
"with  a  view  to  their  incorporation  in  his  bu- 
reau for  freedmen  and  freedwomen.  All  your 
efforts  will  be  vain,  and  you  will  not  be  able 
to  maintain  a  healthy  vitality,  if  you  do  not 
mix  your  whites  very  freely  with  your  black 
beneficiaries. 

The  writer  gives  us  his  theory  of  the  war. 
Although  the  war  has  not  quite  reached  the 
miscegenetic  point  yet,  it  progresses  visibly. 
After  showing  how  other  wars  ^ave  blended 
the  various  bloods  of  the  world,  lie  says  : 

"  It  will  be  our  noble  prerogative  to  set  the  examdie  of 
this  rich  blending  of  blood.  It  ig  idle  to  maintain  that 
this  present  war  is  not  a  war  for  the  negro.  It  is  a  war 
for  the  negro.  Not  simply  for  his  personal  rights  or  his 
physical  frpedom ;  it  is  a  war,  if  you  please,  of  amalgama- 
tion, so  called — a  war  looking,  as  its  final  fruit,  to  the 
blending  of  the  white  and  black.  All  attempts  to  end  it 
without  a  recognition  of  the  political,  civil,  and  social 
rights  of  the  negro  will  only  lead  to  still  bloodier  battles 
in  the  futm-e.  Let  us  be  wise  and  look  to  the  end.  Let 
the  war  go  on  until  the  j^ride  of  caste  is  done  away.  Let 
it  go  on  until  church,  and  state,  and  society  recognize  not 
only  the  propriety  but  the  necessity  of  the  fusion  of  the 
white  and  black ;"  [laughter]  "in  short,  until  the  great 
truth  shall  be  declared  in  our  public  documents  and  an- 
nounced in  the  messages  of  our  Presidents,  that  it  is  de- 
sirable the  white  man  should  marry  the  black  woman  and 
the  white  woman  the  black  man — that  the  race  should 
become  melaleuketic  before  it  becomes  miscegenetic." — 
[Great  laughter.] 

This  is  the  language  of  scientific  progress, 
soon  to  become  familiar  to  the  gentlemen  on 
the  other  side.    The  author  proceeds : 


"The  next  step  will  be  the  opening  of  California  to  the 
teeming  millions  of  eastern  Asia.  The  patience,  the  in- 
dustry, the  ingenuity,  the  organizing  power,  the  skill  in 
the  mechanic  arts  which  characterize  the  Japanese  and 
Chinese  must  be  transplanted  to  our  soil,  not  merely  by 
the  emigration  of  the  inhabitants  of  those  nations,  but  by 
their  incorporation  with  the  composite  race  which  will 
hereafter  rule  this  continent. 

"It  must  be  remembered  that  the  Indians  whom  we 
have  displaced  were  copper-colored ;  and  no  other  com- 
plexion, physiologists  affirm,  can  exist  permanently  in 
America.  The  white  race  which  settled  in  New  England 
will  be  unable  to  maintain  its  vitality  as  a  blonde  people. 
The  darker  shades  of  color  live  and  thrive,  and  the  con- 
sumption so  prevalent  in  otir  eastern  States  is  mainly  con- 
fined to  the  yellow-haired  and  thin-blooded  blondes." 

What  a  sad  picture  this  for  our  New  Eng- 
land friends !  Oh,  ye  yellow-haired  and  thin- 
blooded  Yankees  I  Mingle !  mingle  I  mingle 
while  ye  may !  It  is  the  sure  cure  for  your 
asthmas  and  consumptions. 

Still  speaking  of  these  thin-bleoded  New 
Englanders,  he  says : 

"  They  need  the  intermingling  of  the  rich  tropic  tem- 
perament of  the  negro  to  give  warmth  and  fullness  to  their 
natuies."  [Laughter.]  "  Ihey  feel  the  yearning,  and  do 


not  know  how  to  interpret  it."   [Laughter.]   "  The  phy- 
sician tolls  them  they  must  travel  to  a  warmer  climate. 
They  recognize  in  this  a  glimpse  of  the  want  they  feel, 
though  they  aie  hopeless  of  its  efficacy  to  fully  restore  the 
lost  vitality.    Still  they  feel  the  nameless  longing. 
"  Yet  waft  me  from  the  harbor  mouth. 
Wild  wind !  I  seek  a  warmer  sky. 
And  I  will  see  before  I  die 
The  palms  and  temples  of  the  South." 
"It  is  only  by  the  infusion  into  their  very  system  of  the 
vital  forces  of  a  tropic  race  that  they  may  regain  health 
and  strength.    VTe  must  accept  the  facts  of  nature.  We 
must  beeome  a  yellow-skinned,  black-haired  people— in 
fine,  we  must  become  miscegns  if  we  would  attain  the  full- 
est results  of  civilization."  [Laughter.] 

This  enthusiastic  theorist  then  shows  that 
all  religions  are  derived  from  the  dark  races. 
He  calls  to  us  from  the  tombs  of  Egypt,  and 
solves  the  Sphynx  riddle  of  our  national  des- 
tiny. That  solution  is  this  :  that  "if  we 
would  fill  our  proper  places  in  nature  we 
must  mingle  our  blood  with  all  the  children 
of  the  common  father  of  humanity."  Thus 
and  thus  only  can  we  hope  for  redemption  by 
a  pure  religion.  The  cold  skepticism  of  the 
Caucasian  will  then  be  expunged  in  the  more 
genial  faith  which  miscegenation  will  produce. 
Hear  him : 

"  May  we  not  hope  that  in  the  happier  hereafter  of  thia 
continent,  when  the  Mongolian  from  China  t3nd  Japan, 
and  the  negro  from  his  own  Africa,  shall  have  blent  their 
more  emotional  natures  with  ours,  that  here  may  be  wit- 
nessed at  once  the  most  perfect  religion  as  well  as  the 
most  perfect  type  of  mankind  the  world  has  yet  seen  ? 
Let  us  then  embrace  our  black  brother;"  (laughter;)  let 
us  give  him  the  intellect,  the  energy,  the  nervous  endur- 
ance of  the  cold  North  which  he  needs,  and  let  us  take 
from  him  his  emotional  power,  his  love  of  the  spiritual, 
his  elelight  in  the  wonders  which  we  understand  only 
through  faith.  In  the  beautiful  words  of  Emerson: 
"  He  has  the  avenues  of  God 

Hid  from  man  of  northern  brain, 
Ear  beholding,  witnout  cloud, 
What  these  with  slowest  steps  attain.'  " 

The  writer  then  goes  on  to  show  what  this 
miscegen  will  become  physiologically.  He 
will  be  the  realization  of  the  ideal,  not  of  tke 
white  or  of  the  black  race,  bat  the  perfect  ideal 
of  the  blended  races  I  The  artist  is  called 
in  to  adorn  by  the  rarest  touches  of  the  facile 
pencil  this  production  of  advanced  abolition- 
ism : 


"  The  ideal  or  type  of  6ian  of  the  future  will  blend  in 
himself  all  that  is  passionate  and  emotional  in  the  darker 
1-aces,  all  that  is  imaginative  and  spiritual  in  the  Asiatic 
races,  and  all  that  is  intellectual  and  perceptive  in  the 
white  races.  He  will  also  be  composite  as  regards  color" 
The  purest  miscegen  will  be  brown,  with  reddish  cheeks, 
cm-ly  and  waving  hair,  dark  eyes,  and  a  fullness  and  sup- 
pleness of  form  not  now  dreamed  of  by  any  individual 
people."       *      *       *       *       *       *  *= 

*  "  Adam,  the  progenitor  of  the  race,  as  his  very 
name  signifies,  was  made  of  red  eartli :  and,  like  the  in- 
habitants of  Syria  and  Mesopotamia,  must  have  been  of  a 
tawny  or  yellow  color.  The  extreme  white  and  black  are 
departures  from  the  original  tj-pe.  The  Saviour  is  repre- 
sented very  falsely  in  paintings  as  being  light-haired  and 
white-skinnod,  when,  in  truth,  he  must  have  been  a  man 
of  very  dark  complexion,  as  were  all  the  Palestine  Jews. 
They  were  a  tawny  or  yellow  race.  The  fact  has  beea 
noticed  that  the  Aniharic,  the  language  of  the  Abyssinian, 
is  remarkably  analogous  to  the  Hebrew,  rendering  it 
probable  that  the  Jews  were  partly  of  Abyssinian  or  ne- 
gro origin." 

The  writer  makes  the  same  mistake  which 
others  have  made  in  confounding  the  Abys- 
sinian with  our  Congo  negro.  They  are 
utterly  unlike  in  form  and  feature  as  well  as 
in  mind  and  character.  The  author's  elo- 
quence is  better  than  his  science ;  for  with 


9 


wliat  enthasiasra  does  lie  close  Ma  appeal  to 
the  members  of  tlie  abolition  party  : 

<^  We  Hire  upon -^vliite  men  and  Avoman  no  longer  to 
<-Hwy  in  dicir  color;  it  is  no  evidence  of  cultivation  or  of 
oarity  of  bk.od.  Ad;ini  and  Christ,  the  type  men  of  the 
vvorld's  f-rcdC  eras,  v.  ere  red  or  yello\v,  and  to  men  of  this 
color,  aijove  all  others,  must  be  comniimicated  the  higher 
inspirations  which  involve  great  spiritual  trutlis,  and 
■which  bring  individuals  of  the  human  family  into  direct 
communion  with  supernatural  agencies." 

These  theories,  which  seem  80  novel  to  us, 
have  been  a  part  of  the  gospel  of  abolition  for 
years.  The  celebrated  authoress  of  Uncle 
Tom's  Cabin  has  made  a  pen- portrait  of  a  mis- 
cegenetic  woman  and  man  in  her  novel  called 
Dred.  She  makes  them  the  central  figures  in 
her  graphic  scenes  of  Southern  life.  Harry,  the 
quadroon  overseer  and  Lisette,  his  wife,  are 
described  as  of  that  "mixed  blood  which 
seems  so  peculiarly  fitted  to  appreciate  all  the 
finer  aspects  of  conventional  life."_  Harry's 
power  was  such,  owing  to  the  constitution  in- 
herited from  his  father,  tempered  by  the  soft 
and  genial  temperament  of  the  beautiful  Eboe 
mulattress  who  was  his  mother^  that,  through 
fear  or  friendship,  upon  the  plantation_  there 
was  universal  subordination  to  him.  JLisette 
is  described  as  a  delicate,  airy  little  creature, 
formed  by  a  mixture  of  the  African  and  French 
blood,  producing  one  of  those  fanciful,  ex 
otic  combinations  that  give  the  same  impres- 
sion of  brilliancy  and  richness  ttiat  one  re- 
ceives from  tropical  insects  afid  flowers  I  Her 
eyes  have  the  hazy,  dreamy  languor  which  is 
so  characteristic  of  the  mixed  races. 

With  such  sensuous  portraiture  as  his  ori- 
ginal, the  author  I  am  considering  finds  all 
the  characteristics  of  perfect  ideal  beauty  in 
the — negro  girl  I  He  copies  them  with  fideli- 
ty, it  he  does  not  surpass  the  original. 
'  I  call  the  attention  of  gentlemen  upon  the 
other  side  to  this  remarkable  picture,  for  they 
will  find  its  living  counterpart  only  in  '  the 
crazed  skulls  of  their  fanatic  supporters : 

In  -n-hat  does  beauty  consist  ?  In  richness  and  bright- 
ness of  color,  and  in  gracefulness  of  curve  and  outline. 
What  does  the  Anglo-iiaxon,  who  assumes  that  his  race 
monopolizes  the  beauty  of  the  earth,  look  for  in  a  lovely 
woman  ?  Her  cheeks  must  be  rounded  and  have  a  tint  of 
the  sun,  her  lips  must  be  pouting,  her  teeth  white  and 
regular,  her  eyes  large  and  bright ;  her  hair  must  curl 
about  her  head,  or  descend  in  crinkling  Avaves ;  she  must 
be  merry,  gay,  full  of  poetry  and  sentiment,  fond  of  song, 
childlike,  and  artless.  But  all  these  characteristics  be- 
luag,  in  a  somewhat  exaggerated  degree,  to  the  negro 
girl.  What  color  is  beautiful  in  the  human  face?  It  is 
the  blank  white.  In  paintings,  the  artist  has  never  por- 
trayed so  perfect  a  woman  to  the  fancy  as  when,  choosing 
his  subject  from  some  other  than  the  Caucasian  race,  he 
Las  been  able  to  introduce  the  marveious  charm  of  the 
combinatioa  of  colors  in  her  flice.  Not  alone  to  the  while 
face,  even  when  tinted  with  mantling  blood,  is  the  fasci- 
nation of  female  loveliness  imputed.  The  author  may 
state— and  the  same  experience  can  be  witnessed  to  by 
thousands— that  the  most  beautiful  girl  in  form,  feature, 
and  every  attribute  of  feminine  loveliness  he  ever  saw 
was  a  mulatto.  By  crossing  and  improvement  of  different 
varieties,  tho  strawberry,  or  other  garden  fruit,  is  brou;^ht 
nearest  to  f  erfection,  in  sweetness,  size,  and  fruitfulness. 
This  was  a  ripe  and  complete  Avonian,  possessing  the  best 
elements  of  two  sources  of  parentage  Iler  comfjlexion 
was  warm  and  dark,  and  golden  with  the  heat  of  tropical 
suns,  lips  full  and  luscious,  cheeks  perfectly  molded  and 
tinged  with  deep  crimson,  hair  curling,  and 
'•  'W  hose  glossy  black 
To  shame  might  bring 
The  plumage  or  the  raven's  wing.' " 


This  pamphleteer  is  a  thorough  philosopher. 
He  holds  that  the  slaveholders  South  are  a 
superior  race,  owing  to  their  intimate  com- 
munication from  birth  to  dea-lh  with  the 
colored  race.  Their  emotional  power,  fervid 
oratory,  and  intensity  of  thought  and  will 
are  attributed  to  this  association.  Their  abil- 
ity to  cope  with  the  North  in  battle  is  found 
to  consist  in  the  fact  that  the  presence  of  Afri- 
cans in  their  midst  in  large  numbers  infuses 
into  the  air  a  sort  of  barbaric  malaria  ;  a 
miasm  of  fierceness,  which  after  long  inter- 
course between  the  races  comes  to  infect  the 
white  men  and  even  the  women  also !  I 
would  fail  in  my  promise  to  elucidate  this 
new  creed  of  abolition,  did  I  not  call  attention 
to  the  argument  which  the  writer  draws  from 
the  fact  that  contraries  like  each  other  and 
that  the  blonde  incontinently  fails  in  love 
with  the  black !  From  this  principle  of 
sesthetics  or  lust  the  author  deduces  his 
highest  type  of  beauty.  From  this  source  of 
opposite  yet  mingling  emotions  he  thinks  that 
civilization  will  be  enhanced  and  glorified  I 

I  give  his  deductions  as  well  for  their  novel- 
ty as  for  his  felicity  in  choosing  the  names  by 
which  he  illustrates  them.  Lot  me  again 
quote  : 

"  Such  of  our  readers  as  have  attended  anti-slavery 
meetings  will  have  observed  the  large  proportion  of 
blondes  in  the  assemblage.  This  peculiarity  is  also  notice- 
able in  the  leading  speakers  and  agitators  in  the  great 
anti-slaverj-  pai-ty.  Mr.  Horace  Greely,  of  the  New  York 
Tribune,  known  for  his  devotion  to  the  negro  race,  is  as 
opposite  as  a  man  possibly  can  be  to  the  people  to  whom 
he  has  shown  his  attachment  by  long  and  earnest  labor 
for  their  welfare.  In  color,  complexion,  structure,  men- 
tal habits,  peculiarities  of  all  kinds,  they  are  as  far  apart 
as  the  poles.  The  same  is  true  of  Mr.  Vv'endc41  Phillips. 
He,  too,  is  the  very  opposite  of  the  negro.  His  complex- 
ion is  reddish  and  sanguine;  his  hair  in  younger  days 
was  light ;  he  is,  in  short,  one  of  the  sharpest  possible 
contrasts  to  the  pure  negro.  Mr,  Theodore  Tilton,  the 
eloquent  young  editor  of  the  Independent,  who  has  al- 
ready achieved  immortality  by  advocating  enthusiasti- 
cally the  doctrine  of  miscegenation,"  (laughter,)  "  is  a 
very  pure  specimen  of  the  blonde,  and  when  a  young 
man  was  noted  for  his  angelic  type  of  feature,"  (laughter) 
— "we  mean  angelic  after  the  type  of  Kaphael,  which  ia 
not  the  true  angelic  feature,  because  the  perfect  type  of 
the  future  will  be  that  of  the  blended  race,  with  the 
sunny  hues  of  the  South  tinging  the  colorless  complexion 
of  the  icy  North.  But  it  is  needless  further  to  particu- 
larize. The  sympathy  Mr.  Greeley,  Mr.  Phillips,  and  Mr. 
Tilton  feel  for  the  negro  is  the  love  which  the  blonde  bear 
for  the  black ;  it  is  a  love  of  race,  a  sympathy  stronger  to 
them  than  the  love  they  bear  to  woman-  It  is  founded 
upon  natural  law.   We  love  our  opposites. 

'•Nor  is  it  alone  true  that  the  blonde  love  the  black. 
The  black  also  love  their  opposites.  Said  Frederick  Doug- 
lass, a  noble  specimen  of  the  melalueketic  American," 
(laughter,) "in  one  of  his  speeches  :  '  We  love  the  white 
man,  and  will  remain  with  him.  We  like  him  to  well  to 
leave  him .  but  we  must  possess  with  him  the  rights  of 
freedom.'  Our  police  courts  give  painful  evidence  that 
the  passion  of  the  colored  race  for  the  white  is  often  so 
uncontrollable  as  to  overcome  the  terror  of  the  law.  It 
has  been  so,  too,  upon  the  Southern  plantations.  The 
only  remedy  for  this  is  legitimate  melaleuketic  mar- 
riage.' (Laughter.) 

The  revelations  at  Hilton  Head  and  along 
the  Carolina  coast  might  have  been  added  to 
the  illustrations  above  to  show  the  irrepres- 
sible afi'ection  between  white  women  and 
black  men  and  black  women  and  white  men. 
Bat  on  that — I  forbear. 

Sir,  I  cannot  pursue  this  style  of  remark 
further.    The  contemplation  of  such  disgust- 


10 


ing  theories  is  not  pleasant.  I  have  been 
challeEged  to  go  into  it  by  my  friend  from 
Massachusetts.  This  is  my  apology.  The 
gentlemen  on  the  other  side  may  be  nncon- 
scious  of  the  path  they  are  traveling  under 
the  lead  of  these  amalgamationists.  But  they 
must  follow.  They  may  protest,  but  we  know 
that  they  will  yield,  for  they  have  ever 
yielded  to  their  extreme  men.  As  this  very 
writer  himself  truly  says,  Cp^ge  580 

"  As  the  war  has  progressed,  men's  miuds  have  been 
opened  more  and  more  to  the  true  cause  of  our  country's 
difficulties.  Human  nature  is  imperfect;  i t  can  ordinarily 
take  in  only  half  or  quarter  truths.  It  was  a  grpat  step 
in  the  advance  when  the  country  willingly  accepted  the 
truth  that  all  men  should  be  free.  But  it  might  not 
have  been  seen  by  many  that  further  along  in  the  path 
of  progress  vre  should  recognise  the  great  doctrine  of 
human  brotherhood,  and  that  human  brotherhood  com- 
prehended not  merely  the  personal  freedom,  but  ihe 
acknowledgement  of  the  political  and  social  rights  of  the 
negro,  and  the  provision  for  his  entrance  intotho.-efamiiy 
relations  which  form  the  dearost  and  strongest  ties  that 
bind  humanity  together.  Ouco  place  the  races  upon  a  foot- 
ing of  perfect  eq"ality,and  these  results  will  surely  follow?. 

"Let  it  be  understood,  then,  that  equality  before  the 
law,  for  the  negro,  secures  to  him  freedom,  privilege  to 
secure  property  and  public  position,  and,  above  al',  carries 
with  it  the  ultimate  fusion  of  ihe  negro  and  white  races. 
When  this  shall  be  accomplished  by  the  inevitable  in- 
fluences of  time,  all  the  troubles  that  loom  up  now  in  the 
future  (  f  our  country  v.'ill  have  passed  away.  It  is  the 
true  solution  of  our  difficulties,  and  lie  is  blind  who  does 
not  sec  it.  The  President  of  the  United  States,  for- 
tunately for  the  country,  has  made  a  great  advance  in 
the  right  direction.  Ilis  first  thought  in  connection  with 
the  ehfrancbisement  of  the  slaves  was  to  send  them  from 
the  country.  He  discovered,  first,  that  this  was  physi- 
cally impossible,  and,  second,  that  the  labor  alone  which 
■would  be  lost  to  America  and  the  world  would  amount 
in  value  to  more  than  the  debts  of  all  the  nations  of  the 
earth.  The  negro  is  rooted  on  this  conthient;  we  cannot 
remove  him;  we  must  not  hold  him  in  buudnge.  The 
wisest  course  is  f  o  giv^  him  his  rights,  and  let  Lim  alone; 
and  by  the  certain  influence  of  our  institutions  he  will 
become  a  component  element  of  tho  American  man. ' 

Gentleman  of  the  other  side  have  here  laid 
down  for  them  the  shining  pathway  that  will 
lead  them  out  of  the  troubles  with  which 
their  ill-judged  emancipation  schemes  have 
environed  them.  Whether  they  will  follow 
it,  time  will  show.  Events  will  show  whe- 
ther the  American  people  will  not  have  a 
thorough  and  honest  white  man's  disgust  for 
all  these  African  policies,  culminating,  as 
they  must,  in  atnelgamation,  so  as  in  time  to 
reverse  the  wheel  of  revolution,  and  thus 
save  both  races — the  one  from  continuHd 
slaughter,  and  the  other  from  eventual  and 
certain  extermination.  I  have  quoted  these 
extracts  to  show  that  there  is  a  doctrine  now 
being  adverdsed  and  urged  by  the  leading 
lights  of  the  Abolition  party,  toward  which 
the  Republican  party  will  and.  must  advance. 
See  hf'W  they  have  advanced  for  the  last  two 
or  three  years  !  They  used  to  d'-ny,  when- 
ever it  was  charged,  that  they  favured  black 
citizenship;  yet  now  they  are  favoring  free 
black  e^nffrafje  ia  ^he  District  of  Columbia, 
and  will  favor  it  wherever  in  the  Sout  they 
need  it  for  their  purposes.  The  Attorney 
General  of  ibc  United  States  has  declared  the 
African  to  he  an  American  Oitizen.  The  ?:(-c.- 
retary  of  State  grants  him  a  passport  a'5  such. 
The  President  of  the  United  States  calls  ]  im 
an  American  citr'zen  of  African  descent.  The^ 


Senate  of  the  United  States  is  discussing  Af- 
rican equality  in  street  cars.  We  have  the 
negro  at  every  moment  and  in  every  bill  in 
Congress.  All  these  things,  in  connectioa 
with  the  African  policies  of  confiscation  and 
emancipation  in  their  various  shapes  for  the 
past  three  years,  culminating  in  this  grand 
plunder  scheme  of  a  department  for  freedmcn, 
ought  to  convince  us  that  that  party  is  mov- 
ing steadily  forward  to  perfect  social  equality 
of  black  and  white,  and  can  only  end  in  this 
detestable  doctrine  of — Miscegenation ! 

Gentlemen  may  deny  that  this  is  the  ten- 
dency of  their  party.  They  used  to  deny  that 
they  favored  the  doctrine  of  the  political  equal- 
ity of  black  and  white,  which  was  once  charg- 
ed upon  them,  and  which  they  are  now  so 
boldly  consummating.  The  truth  will  appear. 
After  a  year  or  two  some  member  from  New 
England  will  come  here  recognizing  the  great 
fact  that  four  million  blacks  are  mixing  more 
or  less,  and  ought  to  mis  more  with  the 
whites  of  the  country,  and  will  advocate  a 
bureau  of  another  kind — a  department  for  the 
hybrids  who  are  cast  upon  tho  care  of  the 
Government  by  this  system  of  miscegenation, 
Mr.  Speaker,  since  I  have  been  upon  the 
floor,  the  gentleman  from  Massachusetts  more 
than  hinted  that  the  Democracy  might  desire 
to  compete  with  his  party  in  this  new  scheme 
of  miscegenation.  Not  at  all,  sir.  Our  pre- 
judices are  strong,  but  they  are  in  favor  of  our 
own  color.  We  have,  in  times  past,  affiliated 
with  the  Democracy  South,  but  I  do  not  un- 
derstand that  the  Democratic  party  North  is 
responsible  for  what  the  Democratic  party 
South  did  since  or  when  they  separated  from 
us,  or  since  and  when  they  divided  our  party 
and  helped  you  to  divide  the  Union.  The 
Democratic  party  of  the  North  never  was  a 
pro- slavery  party,  as  has  been  libelously 
charged.  [Laughter  on  the  Republican  side.] 
Oh,  I  know  you  laugh,  gentlemen,  at  that ; 
but  your  laugh  is  "like  the  crackling  of  thorns 
under  a  pot." 

The  Scripture  tells  you  what  kind  of  laugh- 
ter that  is.  It  would  be  unparliamentary  to 
characterize  it  farther.  I  repeat  it,  the  De- 
mocracy North  never  was  a  pro- slavery  party. 
I  know  the  contrary  has  been  reiterated  by 
the  crew  who  have  floated  on  the  summer 
current  of  northern  prejudice,  until  many 
good  people  believe  it.  A  grosser  falsehood 
was  never  uttered.  Even  Horace  Greeley  is 
ashamed  any  more  to  repeat  it.  He  stated 
the  other  day  our  position  correctly,  when  he 
said  that  "northern  Dem  cracy  i.s  not  really 
pro  slavery,  bat  anti-intervention;  ruaintain- 
ing,  not  that  slavery  is  right,  but  that  .we  of 
the  free  States  should  mind  oar  own  business 
and  let  alone  other  people's."  Oar  pJatvorms 
are  but  the  rnpHtition  of  this  idr  a  or  uon  in- 
terference.  Beginning  with  1840  and  ending 
with  18G0,  we  ra-olvcd— 

«•  That  Cona:r«^?s  has  no  power,  under  the  Pon^^Mtution, 
1o  i-te'-fcro  with  (  r  cntrol  iljo  d'.m  io  iu-i  itntions  of 
iho  feveiT.l  S  /tfHs;  :'nd  hat  suc'i  S  ut  are  the  s  .Io  and 
proper  jnd-c^  of  c-  tr.  t;  in- p<':-t:.iniLj  t  .ilioiro  .n  ;:i?aira, 
>G   prcliibited  bv  the  uousiituiioii ;  thai,  all  eilortiS  by 


11 


ibolitionists  or  others  made  to  induce  Congress  to  inter-  utmest  tO  preserve  what  they  can  of  local  and 

S  P«=«°-»l  "f^'y       of  "^e  chao,  of  this  con. 

alarming  and  dangerous  consequences,  and  tliat  all  such 
efforts  have  an  inevitable  tendency  to  diminish  the  happi- 
ness of  the  people,  and  endanger  the  stability  and  per- 
manency of  the  Union,  and  ought  not  to  be  countenanced 


by  any  triendto  our  political  institutions." 

The  Democracy  ever  favored  local  sover- 
eignty as  to  slavery  and  every  other  domestic 
matter.  They  would  have  extended  that  sov- 
ereignty, and  not  slavery,  from  the  States  to 
the  Territories.  On  that  question  of  exten- 
sion, of  non  intervention,  the  Democracy 
North  and  South  unhappily  divided.  The 
consequences  are  upon  us. 

I  accept  events  as  they  traaspire.    Not  re- 
sponsible for  them,  yet  not  unobservant  of 
them,  I  call  the  attention  of  the  House  to  the 
bold  strides  which  have  been  made  since  we 
last  met,  by  fraud  and  force,  to  crush  out  the 
institution  of  slavery.    I  need  not  point  you 
to  the  black  recruiting  system  in  Maryland 
and  Missouri.    I  need  not  rehearse  the  orders 
of  generals  and  subordinates,  all  working  to 
this  end,  regardless  of  the  rights  of  property 
or  local  sovereignty.    Slavery  hangs  precari- 
ously, by  a  hair,  in  Tennessee,  Arkansas, 
Louisiana,  Maryland,  Missouri,  and  Florida. 
Even  in  old  Kentucky,  where  her  loyal  peo- 
ple cared  less  for  it  and  more  for  their  State 
right  over  it,  anti- slavery  is  at  work.  Wher- 
ever in  our  lines  slavery  yet^exists,  it  is  com- 
paratively free  and  altogether  profitless.  It 
works  at  its  own  will,  and  not  at  the  will  of 
the  master.    Outside  of  our  lines — within  the 
Gulf  States — slaves  once  worth  $2,000  are 
now  only  worth  their  $100  in  gold;  and  this 
depreciation  will  go  on  if  our  armies  continue 
to  penetrate  the  South.    If  it  thus  go  on, 
where  will  it  end  ?    In  the  grave  of  the  slave ! 
Read  the  accounts  of  mortality  among  the 
blacks,  especially  those  in  the  military.  Each 
camp  is  a  hospital.    The  deserted  families  per- 
ish by  their  removal  from  their  homes,  by 
vice  and  starvation.    We  of  this  side  have  no 
power  to  stop  it.    The  war  keeps  it  going. 
For  this  condition  of  the  negro  let  the  Aboli- 
tion party  and  its  savage  counterpart  South 
answer  to  God  and  the  country.     To  the 
horrors  ond  calamities  of  the  whites  growing 
out  of  this  war  is  to  be  added  the  miseries 
and  destruction  of  the  blacks ;  and  this  in- 
dictment of  hi?;h  crime  will  not  be  found  against 
the  northern  Democracy,  but  against  its  revil- 
ers  North,  vv'ho  divided  our  Union,  audits  ene- 
mies South,  who  divided  our  party. 

In  the  for  'hcoming  election  for  Chief  Mag- 
istrate you  will  find  the  Democracy  making  no 
issue  about  slavery.  If  it  is  dying  or  dead, 
BS  you  allege,  you  will  find  them  striving  their 


personal  liberty  ®ut  of  the  chaos  of  this  con- 
flict. We  have  been  the  champions  of  local 
and  State  liberty,  not  because  slavery  was 
guarantied  by  it.  No,  sir.  We  have  not 
championed  slavery.  We  never  placed  it  in 
our  northern  constitutions.  I  would  fain  have 
seen  slavery  die,  if  die  it  must,  by  the  un- 
forced action  of  the  States,  as  it  has  died  in 
the  now  free  States,  and  not  by  the  rough 
usages  of  war,  which  destroys  the  slave  with 
slavery ;  not  by  usurpations  upon  the  rights 
of  the  States  and  the  people,  which  destroy 
both  freedom  and  slavery  and  slave,  but  by 
the  sovereign  intelligence  of  the  people  of  the 
States,  who  alone  are  responsible  for  the  ex- 
istence of  their  own  domestic  institutions. 

I  am  not  insensible  to  the  signs  of  the 
times.  Judging  fey  what  we  daily  see  here 
in  this  House,  the  border  States,  through  the 
blandishments  of  power,  the  fear  of  ruin,  the 
tyranny  of  the  bayonet,  and  the  corruption  of 
greenbacks,  are,  I  think,  gradually  being 
persuaded  to  yield  before  the  genius  ot  univer- 
sal emancipation!  The  music  of  the  old 
tJnion  is  hushed  in  the  bugles  of  war.  The 
northern  Democracy,  in  struggling  to  pre- 
serve the  institutions  of  those  States,  and  in 
doing  which  they  have  been  and  are  yet  in 
sympathy  with  their  only  proper  representa- 
tives, have  done  so  from  no  love  of  slavery ; 
but  because,  in  the  language  of  the  Chicago 
platform,  they  would  by  preserving  State 
institutions,  "preserve  the  balance  of  power, 
on  which  the  perfection  and  endurance  of  our 
political  fabric  depended." 

When  the  party  in  power,  by  edict  and 
bayonet,  by  sham  election  and  juggling  pro- 
clamation, drag  down  slavery,  they  drag  down 
in  the  spirit  of  ruthless  iconoclasm  iLie  very 
genius  of  our  civil  polity,  local  seU-govern- 
ment.  They  strike  constitutional  liberty  in 
striking  at  domestic  slavery.  Hence  they 
must  abolish  habeas  corpus  when  thtry  stab 
the  hated  institution.  They  mwit  invade 
bills  of  right  when  they  invade  State  rights. 

When  next  you  meet  us  at  the  polls  yon 
shall  answer  for  the  perfection  of  our  politi- 
cal fabric  which  you  have  marre(4,  au  1  the  en- 
durance of  which  you  have  imperiled.  No 
more  wrangling  about  pro-slavery  or  anti- 
slavery.  The  question  shall  be,  the  old  order 
with  Democracy  to  administer  it,  or  continu- 
ed revolution  with  destructives  to  ^uide  it; 
the  old  Union  with  as  much  Bf  local  sove- 
reignty as  may  be  saved  from  the  abi'\->i  )n  of 
war,  or  a  new  abolition  and  military  uuity  of 
territory,  with  debt,  tyranny,  and  fanaticism 
as  its  trinity. 


) 


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'■'■Resolved^  That  the  Democratic  members  of  Congress  earnestly  recommend  The  Con- 
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# 


Date  Due 

UnnKcl  ^ 

1 

I 

1 

Form  335— 35M— 9-34— C.  P.  Co. 


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